Today the very idea of democracy is widely considered to be under siege. Many people recognize this issue, but a line should be drawn between the ideas of democracy—such as its principles and precepts—and the de facto institutions and practices that govern its dynamics. In fact, it can be argued that the latter half is the one that is “under siege” given today’s zeitgeist of globalization and populism.
Democratic governance has long been eroding as public confidence in the political elites fell more precipitously than ever before. Both traditional and non-traditional media outlets all across the world extrapolate in unison the very end of democracy as we know it, and question what would replace it—should the system fail to survive in the future and in formerly “democratic” nation-states.
The largely accepted narrative depicts a powerfully depressing montage of democracy’s prospects. At the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), for instance, the national legislatures hope to redefine this old discursive pattern. There are those who still believe in the resilience of democracy and its ability to bounce back.
Democracy, according to them, has the capacity to acclimate to changes in political and socio-economic circumstances brought upon by massive new industrial and technological trends among others. The objective here seems to be to reform this outdated narrative and highlight instead the means to better bolster democracy and its subsidiary institutions and customs.
Just a little more than 20 years ago, the IPU put forward the “Universal Declaration on Democracy” as did the Meeting of Speakers of Eurasian Parliaments a couple of years back. IPU’s historic declaration delineates the core democratic philosophy that most of our civilization aspires to emulate. What it stands for is the very mantle of democracy that we also wish to honor and foster.
A key idea embedded in this so-called declaration is that democracy is the only viable form of political organization that can rectify its own defects. Democracy, however, seems to be under attack all the time—whether it be the problems posed by systemic wars, power struggles between states or internal strife. But the firmness of the system has more to do with its versatility. In short, democracy’s ability to repair itself provides a higher likelihood of humanity’s political survival in the face of seismic changes happening at given moment of history.
Nonetheless, the very idea of viewing parliaments as a key pillar of our democracy is severely challenged today. And many doubt whether the vehicle of legislation still functions as an oversight on the executive power as well as an effective agency of representation. In other words, some pundits point out that, yes, parliaments still matter in our domestic and international politics, but not as much as they should or used to.
Likewise, this is not a problem confined to the parameters of Europe or Asia. In fact, across almost every major regional bloc or continent, national parliaments are often—perhaps too frequently—under assault, if not denigrated for their impotence. It is almost as if the unprecedented emergence of inequality in the past few decades came to protest the very idea of democracy.
Parliaments have largely failed to engage the youth in the parliamentary process or even speak to their concerns. Research conducted by the IPU shows that less than 2% of the world’s MPs are under the age of 30. Hence, young people are increasingly looking into other means such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube to articulate their thoughts and concerns—thereby ensuring action on their own priorities. Parliaments need to seriously consider addressing these issues more actively. The key challenge for parliamentary democracy is opening up new spaces for the youth so that they, in turn, can voice their own views and bring something to the table.
Moreover, according to IPU research, the gender differential, especially in terms of the percentage of female MPs across the world, is not closing as rapidly as desired. Parliaments that perform better on gender equality indexes are most likely those consisted of representatives who come from all backgrounds including men, women, the youth, minorities and et cetera.
The IPU has tracked the issue of female representation in politics for nearly two decades and is witnessing a deceleration in the growth women parliamentarians elected to the state legislature. Since 2014, the global average of female legislators has risen by less than 2% points across the board. This recent trend of stagnation underlies the very need for more effective policies and programs if we are serious about achieving true equality of opportunity in politics.
The proportion of MPs—whose basic rights are being or have been violated—is another important issue for inter-parliamentary organizations. These violations are more often than not an outcome of a multiplicity of factors: lack of a fair trial, arbitrary penalties, absence of freedom of expression, and lack of parliamentary mandate. The IPU has time and time again spoken up against the backward tradition of some political systems to silence their opposition within the legislature. This is precisely the kind of structural problems that, when left unattended, could spiral into an attack on the parliaments, if not on democracy itself.
Bureaucrat by day and writer by night, Schoni Song is a program officer at the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea. When not doing anything related to politics, he's likely contemplating about food, film, and culture. Schoni can be reached at schoni0124@naver.com or mseap@assembly.go.kr. - Ed. |
